Slavoj Žižek, Jason Stanley, and Understanding Fascism

Slavoj Žižek, Jason Stanley, and Understanding Fascism
(SAHAN NUHOGLU/DEMOTIX/CORBIS)

“Žižek observes that while many thought this kind of politician was an anachronistic oddity in mid-2000’s neoliberal societies, Berlusconi may actually have been an archetype of the future.”

(SAHAN NUHOGLU/DEMOTIX/CORBIS)
“Žižek observes that while many thought this kind of politician was an anachronistic oddity in mid-2000’s neoliberal societies, Berlusconi may actually have been an archetype of the future.”

Introduction

The emergence of what I call post-modern conservative movements around the globe has prompted a great deal of commentary about the rise of fascism in the early 20th century. There has been an endless series of opinion pieces, video essays, and imagistic art analyzing and trying to form such a connection. One of the better treatments of the subject is historian Timothy Snyder’s excellent short book On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twenty Centuries. Snyder argues that there are eerie parallels between what is going on now and what happened in Italy and Germany decades ago, and he contends that we need to be on guard against preventing right-wing radicalism from gaining more power. Also, of great interest is the work of Jason Stanley, a Yale philosopher of language who has written extensively on the topic of fascism and propaganda. Stanley gives perhaps the clearest argument for making comparisons between post-modern conservatism and fascism. He claims that there are three parallels between traditional fascist movements and Trumpism.

Stanley argues the formula for fascism is “surprisingly simple.” Firstly, politicians conjure up a “mythological past,” which was destroyed by various progressive groups. Mussolini often referenced the desire for a new Roman empire, while contemporary figures like Erdoğan refer to the greatness of Turkey’s Ottoman empire. Then there is the claim, of course, in the United States to “Make America Great Again.” This creates an overwhelming sense of nostalgia for a time period that really only ever existed in the reactionary imagination. It is also one that is racially or ethnically pure, oriented by steadfast traditions, and patriarchal. Never mind that the United States has always been riven by ethnic and racial conflict between oppressive groups and their victims—or that the Ottoman failure to innovate was at least partially responsible for the empire’s decline and fall. Fascist leaders then go on to claim that they—and they alone—can restore this past and the chosen group to its position of power. Without them serving as a patriarchal figure, the “system” will fall apart. Secondly, Stanley argues that fascist politicians (and their contemporary progeny) feel compelled to “sow division.” The chosen group is presented as under threat by enemies who impede its progress. Typically, these are some kind of ethnic minority, from Jews in Germany to Latin Americans in Trump’s United States of America. Finally, fascists and contemporary right-wing populists launch an all-out assault on the concept of truth. Particularly, they adopt an emphatic “anti-intellectualism.” This attack is motivated because standards of truth are central to a “free democracy.” When individuals are no longer able to arbitrate between truth and falsity, they turn to conspiracy theories (discussed here)—and what philosopher Harry Frankfurt might call “bullshit,” which enables the replacement of critical thinking with dogmatism and ideological fanaticism.

It is often said that history does not repeat itself but it does often rhyme, and Stanley’s argument makes a compelling case that the present often echoes the fascist past. In particular, it is not difficult to draw comparisons between 20th century reactionary efforts to obfuscate truth through mythologizing the past and demonizing already vulnerable groups and what is going on now. But I think that we also need to be careful in distinguishing carefully between these earlier movements and what is occurring in the 21st century. That is because changing social and technological conditions have resulted in quite a different cultural and political landscape, which does not enable a one-to-one comparison with life in early 20th century industrial economies. To understand where these differences lie, it makes sense to look a bit at fascist thinking and practices to showcase where there are breaks with contemporary post-modern conservatives.

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Publisher's Note:

This work is preserved in Merion West’s archive of articles and poems published from 2016 through early 2025. Explore the archive