Jordan Peterson, Noam Chomsky, and What We Mean by “Left” and “Right”

“For these reasons, I think it is not unreasonable to identify this nature-nurture or nature-history spectrum as the basic guiding principle behind the left-right spectrum.”

In my short time writing for an English-speaking audience, I have noticed a curious phenomenon. If I ever so much as dare to suggest someone might be a conservative or right-wing, there is a high probability that this will be characterized as a smear or an attack of some kind. Now, the simple explanation would be that when someone on the Left claims that someone else is on the Right, it must be to discredit them or to point out that they are wrong. We could simply trust Occam’s Razor and think nothing further of this. But I believe there are good reasons to believe this is evidence of something more complex. A while ago, a piece by Daniel Miessler came out with the intent of describing the positions of several members of the so-called “Intellectual Dark Web” (IDW) on various key issues. These issues included immigration, universal public healthcare, and gay marriage, for instance. Looking at a diagram included in the piece, it is striking that most of the members of the IDW hold nominally left-wing views on most issues. Yet, most leftists tend to place the IDW squarely on the right, which—when it happens—will be dismissed as a smear. If the answer really is not the simplest one, this presents us with a host of questions. First, what needs to be answered is why this is seen as a smear. Second, is this a fair characterization? And third, most importantly, if it is fair to say that figures like these are on the Right, how should we decide what can be appropriately categorized as left-wing?

This is a useful tactic. The fact that someone on the Right would criticize the beliefs of the Left is to be expected, but claiming the “liberal label” makes the criticism more interesting—because it gives the appearance of dispassionate, objective analysis from inside the house, rather than a mere ideologically-motivated critique that would come with being a part of the Right.

This third question is, of course, highly contentious, so I have no illusions of saying the final word on it. Hopefully, however, it will at least be a question worth pondering. In order to do this, it will be useful to compare the distinct currents within the left, which were rather clearly contrasted during the famous Foucault-Chomsky debate. I believe a look at the similarities and differences between these two traditions, but, in particular, at some of Chomsky’s positions can help shed some light on this issue. First a few words should be dedicated to the other questions, as this will provide some context. Matt Jameson at Arc Digital recently took on the phenomenon that I described at the beginning. His piece explains in quite an entertaining way why it is that so many contemporary figures feel slighted when they are labeled as part of the Right—and why, despite their protests—they are, in fact, part of the Right. While he does not mention anyone by name, it is easy to imagine quite a few public intellectuals that fit the part.

These figures have made themselves known as critics of the many sins and excesses of the contemporary left. The twist is that they do this while claiming to be unjustly exiled liberals and leftists. As mentioned previously, many of them nominally support left-wing policies. This is a useful tactic. The fact that someone on the Right would criticize the beliefs of the Left is to be expected, but claiming the “liberal label” makes the criticism more interesting—because it gives the appearance of dispassionate, objective analysis from inside the house, rather than a mere ideologically-motivated critique that would come with being a part of the Right. But as Jameson correctly observes, whatever their private convictions are is largely irrelevant if the totality of their output (or close to it) is dedicated to pointing out that the Left is a lost cause, while the Right, on the other hand, should be afforded the benefit of the doubt. In other words, does it really matter if Jordan Peterson supports gay marriage, if he is more interested in providing intellectual support for conservative criticisms of the LGBT movement?

I think it is hard to argue with Jameson’s argument. Someone who speaks like a conservative and dedicates their time to advancing conservative or right-leaning causes is a part of the Right, even if they claim to hold private positions that would say otherwise. To this, I would only add one element, which will also serve as a stepping stone to answer the more fundamental question. Support for a particular set of policy positions can never be enough. Let us look at some examples of this. The most obvious is the fact that every major center-right party in Europe supports universal public healthcare. Another less evident one is gay marriage. However, David Cameron made an eloquent case for why conservatives should support gay marriage because of their conservatism, rather than in spite of it. His argument comes down to the fact that one of the core conservative values is seeking to preserve the commitments that bind us to each other. For Cameron, the gender of the individuals making that commitment should not matter. Finally, even something like support for the reduction of income inequality can come from a conservative standpoint. In one of his lectures, Jordan Peterson makes the case for why conservatives should be interested in reducing inequality, even if their instincts are usually against redistribution. His central claim is that income disparity is detrimental to social cohesion, as evidenced by the relationship between the Gini coefficient and societal violence. This, by the way, is an argument that more conservatives should pay attention to. I think it is largely valid, but what matters is that it is explicitly framed from a conservative point of view.